Showing posts with label it's not yours to give. Show all posts
Showing posts with label it's not yours to give. Show all posts

Thursday, May 1, 2014

The Workplace Gender Equality Agency has tools from the government who are here to help. - Michael Smith News

The Workplace Gender Equality Agency has tools from the government who are here to help. - Michael Smith News



Status quo is going to destroy our country. It already is destroying our country. We need real reform, and reform means ending these sheltered workshops. Better by far the scum in these sinecures join the ranks of the unemployed than maintain a system that not only does nothing of merit but it actively working towards white genocide and cultural annihilation.
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Tuesday, April 29, 2014

Day 1 of a broken promise: ‘There will be no new taxes under a government I lead’* | Catallaxy Files

Day 1 of a broken promise: ‘There will be no new taxes under a government I lead’* | Catallaxy Files



Tom



The NDIS is an
unfunded thought bubble. Axe it. Gonski is an unfunded thought bubble.
Axe it. NBN is a thought bubble that will be obsolete before it is
finished. Axe it. RET is a scam. Axe it. PPL is a scam. Axe it. ABC/SBS
are luxuries designed for a bygone age. Axe them.




Make hard decisions. They require courage. Credlin thinks she can duck them.




Abbott thinks he has a mandate to expand government by 80% over the last business-as-usual Costello budget in 2006.  



NO, YOU FUCKING SOCIALIST CLOWN, YOU DO NOT.


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Monday, April 28, 2014

Day 1 of a broken promise: ‘There will be no new taxes under a government I lead’* | Catallaxy Files

Day 1 of a broken promise: ‘There will be no new taxes under a government I lead’* | Catallaxy Files



Mr Rusty



Fuck me dead, 2
weeks away and I come back to this news. I want compulsory recorded
voting NOW.



This levy should go on every single fuckwit who voted Labor
in ’07 and ’10.



Why the fuck should I have to pay MORE for a whole bunch
of shit I never asked for or needed? I don’t want the bloody NBN, the
disabled are not crawling in the dirt in the street (unlike the country I
just came back from) and can bloody well be grateful for what they
already have, I’m not an overpaid Unionist tradie who got $400,000 for
installing lightbulbs at the desal plant or wiring at a BER school, I’m
not interested in funding propagandising of kids, or adults – fuck the
ABC and SBS, I get no handouts, no tax breaks and now I have to
contribute to a mess that I had absolutely nothing to do with?



Share the
pain? Fuck you Libs, I didn’t choose the fucking pain! Slog those who
did! If I am getting levied another grand then I want the ABC and SBS
shut, Uni arty farty courses and students defunded, NDIS gone, slashing
of disability pension, benefits frozen for 5 years, a 50% tax on all
Unions, all Green subsidies gone, carbon tax gone and every fucking one
of the 50,000 country shoppers and anyone else they brought with them
later gone.



Share the fucking pain, bloody horseshit, this won’t bloody
hurt the moochers at the bottom or the snouts-in-trough at the top will
it?



I need a bloody drink.




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Abbott should also honour his tax promise to the “rich”. UPDATE: But the politics says yes to a levy | Herald Sun Andrew Bolt Blog

Abbott should also honour his tax promise to the “rich”. UPDATE: But the politics says yes to a levy | Herald Sun Andrew Bolt Blog



If a government refuses to cut spending when most of it is waste, and expects to be able to tax people in a form which is nothing but theft- taxing not to spend on necessities but on frivolities and waste-



It is time for revolution.



#AustralianSpring
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Sunday, April 27, 2014

Monday Forum: April 28, 2014 | Catallaxy Files

Monday Forum: April 28, 2014 | Catallaxy Files



Cut the waste. If we are in deficit by 11% of total Federal outlays,
cut every outgoing by 11%. Starting with public servants’ salaries and
pollies super. I make one exception to this: the ABC budget should be
cut 100% to give some surplus to pay down Labor’s $350 billion of debt
they saddled us with.



-Bruce of Newcastle
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Saturday, April 26, 2014

Debt tax - is Abbott for real? | Herald Sun See What Susie Says Blog

Debt tax - is Abbott for real? | Herald Sun See What Susie Says Blog



No NBN, No NDIS, no more handouts to ex-PMs, cut parliamentary entitlements, fire 20,000 bureaucrats, cut all benefits for illegals, cut UN funding.

Budget balanced by Christmas and a generational problem of parasite classes eliminated at the same time.
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Thursday, April 24, 2014

Joe Hockey’s pension bomb | Daily Telegraph Simon Benson Blog

Joe Hockey’s pension bomb | Daily Telegraph Simon Benson Blog



Or they could easily balance the budget by freezing bureaucracy hiring for three years, firing two out of every three CEO level bureaucrats to make bureaucracies as efficient as private enterprise, abolish the NDIS rubbish, the NBN rubbish and all green carpetbagging schemes and withdraw from the UN and its financial sucking at our teat.

That would balance the budget, restore Australian sovereignty and begin the cull of the parasite class.
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Tuesday, April 22, 2014

WTF Headline Of The Day: Tax-Cheating IRS Staff Got Bonuses | Zero Hedge

WTF Headline Of The Day: Tax-Cheating IRS Staff Got Bonuses | Zero Hedge



if you are a non-government-employee who doesn't pay your taxes, you get
jail and accounts frozen... but if you're an IRS employee... you get a
fucking bonus!!!
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Thursday, April 17, 2014

This house is badly broken | Daily Telegraph Simon Benson Blog

This house is badly broken | Daily Telegraph Simon Benson Blog



when the journalist class talks about rudd's sweetheart deals for his wife and gillard's psychopathic addiction to corruption, and talks about it for a good long time, then maybe people will take journalists seriously about a fat softcock buffoon and his left-leaning incompetence.
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Wednesday, April 9, 2014

Column - Ageing us out of house and home | Herald Sun Andrew Bolt Blog

Column - Ageing us out of house and home | Herald Sun Andrew Bolt Blog



Perhaps if government stopped wasting billions of dollars of the money they take in taxes under false pretences we could easily fund retirement for legitimate citizens?

For example no NDIS, no NBN, no million bureaucrats, no handouts to foreign governments, no waste on committees, no more federal departments for areas where the Commonwealth has no constitutional power? Crazy stuff like that.
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Wednesday, February 19, 2014

Jana Pittman - poster child of the age of entitlement

It seems the offensive Jana Pittman has no other plan for the rest of her life than to have the Australian taxpayer bankroll her olympic twaffling.

If she wants to spend the next ten years trying to paper over her charisma-less media presence and parlay her "Australian personal best" performances into a career with, let's say hypothetically, Channel 7... Let her.

But why does public money support her and the legion of other sports failures?

Coming 14th is only winning in the Charlie Sheen sense.

Olympic crap is fine for the obsessive compulsive people who do it or crush their children into it, and I guess for the sad fuckers who watch it, but why should any part of it receive public money? THAT is a disgrace.

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Tuesday, February 4, 2014

ALPBC presstitutes not worth the money they are given

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Monday, February 3, 2014

Not Yours To Give

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Sunday, September 8, 2013

Stay the fuck out of Syria.

This op-ed written by Congressman Alan Grayson appeared in The New York Times today. Read it, share it with your friends and family, and join more than 75,000 others who oppose U.S. military intervention in Syria by signing on at DontAttackSyria.com.

WASHINGTON - THE documentary record regarding an attack on Syria consists of just two papers: a four-page unclassified summary and a 12-page classified summary. The first enumerates only the evidence in favor of an attack. I'm not allowed to tell you what's in the classified summary, but you can draw your own conclusion.

On Thursday I asked the House Intelligence Committee staff whether there was any other documentation available, classified or unclassified. Their answer was "no."

The Syria chemical weapons summaries are based on several hundred underlying elements of intelligence information. The unclassified summary cites intercepted telephone calls, "social media" postings and the like, but not one of these is actually quoted or attached - not even clips from YouTube. (As to whether the classified summary is the same, I couldn't possibly comment, but again, draw your own conclusion.)

Over the last week the administration has run a full-court press on Capitol Hill, lobbying members from both parties in both houses to vote in support of its plan to attack Syria. And yet we members are supposed to accept, without question, that the proponents of a strike on Syria have accurately depicted the underlying evidence, even though the proponents refuse to show any of it to us or to the American public.

In fact, even gaining access to just the classified summary involves a series of unreasonably high hurdles.

We have to descend into the bowels of the Capitol Visitors Center, to a room four levels underground. Per the instructions of the chairman of the House Intelligence Committee, note-taking is not allowed.
Once we leave, we are not permitted to discuss the classified summary with the public, the media, our constituents or even other members. Nor are we allowed to do anything to verify the validity of the information that has been provided.

And this is just the classified summary. It is my understanding that the House Intelligence Committee made a formal request for the underlying intelligence reports several days ago. I haven't heard an answer yet. And frankly, I don't expect one.

Compare this lack of transparency with the administration's treatment of the Benghazi attack. Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton, to her credit, made every single relevant classified e-mail, cable and intelligence report available to every member of Congress. (I know this, because I read them all.) Secretary Clinton had nothing to hide.

Her successor, John Kerry, has said repeatedly that this administration isn't trying to manipulate the intelligence reports the way that the Bush administration did to rationalize its invasion of Iraq.
But by refusing to disclose the underlying data even to members of Congress, the administration is making it impossible for anyone to judge, independently, whether that statement is correct. Perhaps the edict of an earlier administration applies: "Trust, but verify."

The danger of the administration's approach was illustrated by a widely read report last week in The Daily Caller, which claimed that the Obama administration had selectively used intelligence to justify military strikes in Syria, with one report "doctored so that it leads a reader to just the opposite conclusion reached by the original report."

The allegedly doctored report attributes the attack to the Syrian general staff. But according to The Daily Caller, "it was clear that 'the Syrian general staff were out of their minds with panic that an unauthorized strike had been launched by the 155th Brigade in express defiance of their instructions.'"

I don't know who is right, the administration or The Daily Caller. But for me to make the correct decision on whether to allow an attack, I need to know. And so does the American public.

We have reached the point where the classified information system prevents even trusted members of Congress, who have security clearances, from learning essential facts, and then inhibits them from discussing and debating what they do know. And this extends to matters of war and peace, money and blood. The "security state" is drowning in its own phlegm.

My position is simple: if the administration wants me to vote for war, on this occasion or on any other, then I need to know all the facts. And I'm not the only one who feels that way.
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Friday, September 6, 2013

Foreign aid 'not ATM for parties' | The Australian

Foreign aid 'not ATM for parties' | The Australian


THE Coalition's plan to slash foreign aid by $4.5 billion if it wins government has been widely condemned by aid agencies.

Oxfam Australia chief executive Helen Szoke said the proposed hit announced by Treasury spokesman Joe Hockey came at the expense of the world's most vulnerable people.

***

IT'S NOT YOURS TO GIVE.

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Davy Crocket and Farmer Bunce: "Not yours to give"

Davy Crocket and Farmer Bunce: "Not yours to give"

I've received critical mails over my "let's stay the fuck out of Syria" posts as well as my refusal to support any immigration and any charity.

Since I also consider the Senate as it currently exists to be illegal and un-Constitutional, let's read this together again.

***

...Crockett was then the lion of Washington. I was a great admirer of his character, and, having several friends who were intimate with him, I found no difficulty in making his acquaintance. I was fascinated with him, and he seemed to take a fancy to me. I was one day in the lobby of the House of Representatives when a bill was taken up appropriating money for the benefit of a widow of a distinguished naval officer. It seemed to be that everybody favored it. The Speaker was just about to put the question when Crockett arose. Everybody expected, of course, that he was going to make a speech in support of the bill. He commenced:

"Mr. Speaker -- I have as much respect for the memory of the deceased, and as much sympathy for the sufferings of the living, if suffering there be, as any man in this House; but we must not permit our respect for the dead or our sympathy for a part of the living to lead us into an act of injustice to the balance of the living. I will not go into argument to prove that Congress has no power under the Constitution to appropriate this money as an act of charity. Every member upon this floor knows it. We have the right, as individuals, to give away as much of our own money as we please in charity; but as members of Congress we have no right so to appropriate a dollar of the public money. "Mr. Speaker, I am the poorest man on this floor. I cannot vote for this bill, but I will give one week's pay to the object, and if every member of Congress will do the same, it will amount to more than the bill asks." He took his seat. Nobody replied. The bill was put upon its passage, and instead of passing unanimously, as was generally supposed, and as no doubt it would, but for that speech, it received but a few votes and was lost. Like many others, I desired the passage of the bill, and felt outraged at its defeat. I determined that I would persuade my friend Crockett to move for a reconsideration the next day.

Previous engagements preventing me from seeing Crockett that night, I went early to his room the next morning and found him franking letters, a large pile of which lay upon his table.

I broke in upon him rather abruptly, by asking him what the devil had possessed him to make that speech and defeat that bill yesterday. Without turning his head or looking up from his work, he replied: "I will answer your question. But thereby hangs a tale, and one of considerable length, to which you will have to listen."

I listened, and this is the tale which I heard:

"Several years ago I was one evening standing on the steps of the Capitol with some other members of Congress, when our attention was attracted by a great light over in Georgetown. It was evidently a large fire. We jumped into the hack and drove over as fast as we could. When we got there, I went to work, and I never worked as hard in my life as I did there for several hours. But, in spite of all that could be done, many houses were burned and many families made houseless, and, besides, some of them had lost all but the clothes they had on. The weather was very cold, and when I saw so many women and children suffering, I felt that something ought to be done for them, and everybody else seemed to feel the same way. "The next morning a bill was introduced appropriating $20,000 for their relief. We put aside all other business and rushed it through as soon as it could be done. I said everybody felt as I did. That was not quite so; for, though they perhaps sympathized as deeply with the sufferers as I did, there were a few of the members who did not think we had the right to indulge our sympathy or excite our charity at the expense of anybody but ourselves. They opposed the bill, and upon its passage demanded the yeas and nays. The yeas and nays were recorded, and my name appeared on the journals in favor of the bill.

"The next summer, when it began to be time to think about election, I concluded I would take a scout around among the boys of my district. I had no opposition there, but, as the election was some time off, I did not know what might turn up, and I thought it was best to let the boys know that I had not forgot them, and that going to Congress had not made me too proud to go to see them. "So I put a couple of shirts and a few twists of tobacco into my saddlebags, and put out. I had been out about a week and had found things going very smoothly, when, riding one day in a part of my district in which I was more of a stranger than any other, I saw a man in a field plowing and coming toward the road. I gauged my gait so that we should meet as he came to the fence. As he came up I spoke to the man. He replied politely, but, as I thought, rather coldly, and was about turning his horse for another furrow when I said to him: 'Don't be in such a hurry my friend; I want to have a little talk with you, and get better acquainted.' He replied: "'I am very busy, and have but little time to talk, but if it does not take too long, I will listen to what you have to say.' "I began: 'Well, friend, I am one of those fortunate beings called candidates, and . . . .' "' Yes, I know you; you are Colonel Crockett. I have seen you once before, and voted for you the last time you were elected. I suppose you are out electioneering now, but you had better not waste your time or mine. I shall not vote for you again.' "This was a sockdolager .... I begged him to tell me what was the matter. "'Well, Colonel, it is hardly worthwhile to waste time or words upon it. I do not see how it can be mended, but you gave a vote last winter which shows that either you have not capacity to understand the Constitution, or that you are wanting the honesty and firmness to be guided by it. In either case you are not the man to represent me. But I beg your pardon for expressing it that way. I did not intend to avail myself of the privilege of the constituent to speak plainly to a candidate for the purpose of insulting or wounding you. I intend by it only to say that your understanding of the Constitution is very different from mine; and I will say to you what, but for my rudeness, I should not have said, that I believe you to be honest. ... But an understanding of the Constitution different from mine I cannot overlook, because the Constitution, to be worth anything, must be held sacred, and rigidly observed in all its provisions. The man who wields power and misinterprets it is the more dangerous the more honest he is.' "'I admit the truth of all you say, but there must be some mistake about it, for I do not remember that I gave any vote last winter upon any constitutional question.' "'No, Colonel, there's no mistake. Though I live here in the backwoods and seldom go from home, I take the papers from Washington and read very carefully all the proceedings of Congress. My papers say that last winter you voted for a bill to appropriate $20,000 to some sufferers by a fire in Georgetown. Is that true?' "'Certainly it is, and I thought that was the last vote which anybody in the world would have found fault with.' "'Well, Colonel, where do you find in the Constitution any authority to give away the public money in charity?'

"Here was another sockdolager; for, when I began to think about it, I could not remember a thing in the Constitution that authorized it. I found I must take another tack, so I said: "'Well, my friend; I may as well own up. You have got me there. But certainly nobody will complain that a great and rich country like ours should give the insignificant sum of $20,000 to relieve women and children, particularly with a full and overflowing Treasury; and, I am sure, if you had been there, you would have done just as I did.' "'It is not the amount, Colonel, that I complain of; it is the principle. In the first place, the government ought to have in the Treasury no more than enough for its legitimate purposes. But that has nothing to do with the question. The power of collecting and disbursing money at pleasure is the most dangerous power that can be intrusted to man, particularly under our system of collecting revenue by a tariff, which reaches every man in the country, no matter how poor he may be, and the poorer he is the more he pays in proportion to his means. What is worse, it presses upon him without his knowledge where the weight centers, for there is not a man in the United States who can ever guess how much he pays to the government. So you see, that while you are contributing to relieve one, you are drawing it from thousands who are even worse off than he. "'If you had the right to give anything, the amount was simply a matter of discretion with you, and you had as much right to give $20,000,000 as $20,000. If you have the right to give to one, you have the right to give to all; and as the Constitution neither defines charity nor stipulates the amount, you are at liberty to give to any and everything which you believe, or profess to believe, is a charity, and to any amount you may think proper. You will very easily perceive what a wide door this would open for fraud and corruption and favoritism, on the one hand, and for robbing the people on the other. "'No, Colonel, Congress has no right to give charity. Individual members may give as much of their own money as they please, but they have no right to touch a dollar of the public money for that purpose. There are about two hundred and forty members of Congress. If they had shown their sympathy for the sufferers by contributing each one week's pay, it would have made over $13,000. There are plenty of wealthy men in Washington, who could have given $20,000 without depriving themselves of even a luxury of life. The congressmen chose to keep their own money, which, if reports be true, some of them spend not very creditably; and the people about Washington, no doubt, applauded you for relieving them from the necessity of giving what was not yours to give. The people have delegated to Congress, by the Constitution, the power to do certain things. To do these, it is authorized to collect and pay moneys, and for nothing else. Everything beyond this is usurpation, and a violation of the Constitution.'

"I have given you," continued Crockett, "an imperfect account of what he said. Long before he was through, I was convinced that I had done wrong. He wound up by saying: "'So you see, Colonel, you have violated the Constitution in what I consider a vital point. It is precedent fraught with danger to the country, for when Congress once begins to stretch its power beyond the limits of the Constitution, there is no limit to it, and no security for the people. I have no doubt you acted honestly, but that does not make it any better, except as far as you are personally concerned, and you see that I cannot vote for you.' "I tell you I felt streaked. I saw if I should have opposition, and this man should go to talking, he would set others to talking, and in this district I was a gone fawn-skin. I could not answer him, and the fact is, I was so fully convinced that he was right, I did not want to. But I must satisfy him, and I said to him: "'Well, my friend, you hit the nail upon the head when you said I had not sense enough to understand the Constitution. I intended to be guided by it, and thought I had studied it fully. I have heard many speeches in Congress, but what you have said here at your plow has got more hard, sound sense in it than all the fine speeches I have ever heard. If I had ever taken the view of it that you have, I would have put my head into the fire before I would have given that vote; and if you will forgive me and vote for me again, if I ever vote for another unconstitutional law I wish I may be shot.'

"The farmer laughingly replied: 'Yes, Colonel, you have sworn to that once before, but I will trust you again upon one condition. You say that you are convinced that your vote was wrong. Your acknowledgment of it will do more good than defeating you for it. If, as you go around the district, you will tell people about this vote, and that you are satisfied it was wrong, I will not only vote for you, but will do what I can to keep down opposition, and, perhaps, I may exert some little influence in that way.' "'If I don't,' said I, 'I wish I may be shot; and to convince you that I am in earnest in what I say I will come back this way in a week or ten days, and if you will get a gathering of the people, I will make a speech to them. Get up a barbecue, and I will pay for it.' "'No, Colonel, we are not rich people in this section, but we have plenty of provisions to contribute for a barbecue, and some to spare for those who have none. The push of crops will be over in a few days, and we can then afford a day for a barbecue. This is Thursday; I will see to getting it up on Saturday seek. Come to my house on Friday, and we will go together, and I promise you a very respectable crowd to see and hear you.' "'Well, I will be here. But one thing more before I say good-bye. I must know your name.' "'My name is Bunce.' "'Not Horatio Bunce?' "'Yes.' "'Well, Mr. Bunce, I never saw you before, though you say you have seen me, but I know you very well. I am glad I have met you, and very proud that I may hope to have you for my friend. You must let me shake your hand before I go.' "We shook hands and parted that day in gentlemanly friendship and amity.

"It was one of the luckiest hits of my life that I met that man. He mingled but little with the public, but was widely known for his remarkable intelligence, incorruptible integrity, and, for a heart brimful and running over with kindness and benevolence, which showed themselves not only in words but in acts. He was the oracle of the whole country around him, and his fame extended far beyond the circle of his immediate acquaintance. Though I had never met him before, I had heard much of him, and but for this meeting it is very likely I should have had opposition, and had been beaten. One thing is very certain, no man could now stand up in that district under such a vote. "At the appointed time I was at his house, having told our conversation to every crowd I had met, and to every man I stayed all night with. In fact I found that it gave the people an interest and a confidence in me stronger than I had ever seen manifest before. "Though I was considerably fatigued when I reached the home of Mr. Bunce, and under ordinary circumstances should have gone early to bed, I kept him up until midnight, talking about the principles and affairs of government, and got more real, true knowledge of them than I had got all my life before. "I have told you Mr. Bunce converted me politically. He came nearer converting me religiously than I had ever been before. He did not make a very good Christian of me, as you know; but he has wrought upon my feelings a reverence for its purifying and elevating power such as I had never felt before. "I have known and seen much of him since, for I respect him -- no, that is not the word -- I reverence and love him more than any living man, and I go to see him two or three times every year; and I will you sir, if every one who professes to be a Christian lived and acted and enjoyed it as he does, the religion of Christ would take the world by storm.

"But to return to my story. The next morning we went to the barbecue, and, to my surprise, found about a thousand me there. I met a good many whom I had not known before, and they and my friend introduced me around until I had got pretty well acquainted -- at least, they all knew me. "In due time notice was given that I would speak to them. They gathered up around a stand that had been erected. I opened my speech by saying: "'Fellow-citizens -- I present myself before you today feeling like a new man. My eyes have lately been opened to truths which ignorance or prejudice, or both, had heretofore hidden from my view. I feel that I can today offer you the ability to render you more valuable service than I have ever been able to render before. I am here today more for the purpose of acknowledging my error than to seek your votes. That I should make this acknowledgment is due to myself as well as to you. Whether you will vote for me is a matter for your consideration only.' "I went on to tell them about the fire and my vote for the appropriation as I have told it to you, and then told them why I was satisfied it was wrong. I closed by saying: "'And now, fellow-citizens, it remains only for me to tell you that most of the speech you have listened to with so much interest was simply a repetition of the arguments by which your neighbor, Mr. Bunce, convinced me of my error. "'It is the best speech I ever made in my life, but my friend Horatio Bunce is entitled to the credit of it. And now I hope he is satisfied with his convert and that he will get up here and tell you so.' "He came upon the stand and said: "'Fellow-citizens -- It affords me great pleasure to comply with the request of Colonel Crockett. I have always considered him a thoroughly honest man, and I am satisfied that he will faithfully perform all that he has promised you today.' "He went down, and there went up from the crowd such a shout for Davy Crockett as his name never called forth before. "I am not much given to tears, but I was taken with a choking then and felt some big drops rolling down my cheeks. And I tell you now that the remembrance of those few words spoken by such a man, and the honest, hearty shout they produced, is worth more to me than all the honors I have received and all the reputation I have ever made, or ever shall make, as a member of Congress.

"Now, sir,' concluded Crockett, "you know why I made that speech yesterday. I have had several thousand copies of it printed, and was directing them to my constituents when you came in. "There is one thing now to which I will call your attention. You remember that I proposed to give a weeks pay. There are in that House many very wealthy men -- men who think nothing of spending a week's pay, or a dozen of them, for a dinner or a wine party when they have something to accomplish by it. Some of those same men made beautiful speeches upon the debt of gratitude which the country owed the deceased -- a debt which could not be paid by money -- and the insignificance and worthlessness of money, particularly so insignificant a sum as $10,000, when weighed against the honor of the nation. "Yet not one of those Congressmen responded to my proposition. Money with them is nothing but trash when it is to come out of the people. But it is the one great thing for which most of them are striving, and many of them sacrifice honor, integrity, and justice to obtain it." 
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